Napoli e Lorenzo il Magnifico (Italian Edition)
These companies organized their own liturgical services and also met each evening to sing laude in veneration of the Virgin Mary. Because the laude were sung by members of the company, they were originally monophonic and often in the poetic form of the ballata. By and continuing into the 16th century, companies had established choirs of around five to eleven singers who could perform three- or four-part polyphony. The musical style ranged from organal textures, simple note-against-note polyphony, works in the style of early Dufay, syllabic and homorhythmic declamation, and cantilena textures with supportive lower voices.
Simple two-part settings were also prominent and could have been embellished or have included a third improvised part. He was a Dominican friar who sought to reform the church, preaching on repentance and foretelling Florence as the New Jerusalem. Adamantly opposed to the activities of carnival, he deputized his followers and the fancuilli boys and adolescents to sing laude throughout the streets during the festival season. Because of his outspoken criticisms, he was excommunicated by the pope and executed. His anthology contains 91 musical settings for voices and transmits lauda texts.
Much of what we know about both the lauda and carnival song repertory from the 15th century comes out of this important source. Several kinds of musical patronage existed in Florence during the 15th and early 16th centuries, with respect to both sacred and secular music. There were four kinds of musical patronage in Florence: state, corporate, church, and private. The Herald was one position supported by the Florentine government. Heralds performed music during the twice-daily meals for the Signoria, held in the Palazzo Vecchio. One type of songs which heralds performed were canzone morali, or moral songs.
Many of the Herald's songs would have likely been improvised because their subjects would have often been transitory, such as current events. Originally, the trombadori and the Herald served as the performers for public ceremonies. After the s, the two other groups were added. Like the Herald, these two groups played a role both in public ceremony and the daily meals of the Signoria. The government also patronized the civic groups to provide the music required to honor visiting dignitaries.
The civic musicians thus served a particular and necessary role in the complex system of rituals followed for visitors. In some cases, state and church patronage of music overlapped, such as when the Florentine government had the civic musicians perform for church services, for example when they performed at Orsanmichele on feast days. In Florence, the guilds were responsible for the upkeep and business of the cathedral, Santa Maria del Fiore , and the Baptistry, San Giovanni.
Particularly, the Arte della lana , the wool guild, was responsible for the cathedral, and the Arte della calimala , the cloth guild, for the Baptistry. In addition to other responsibilities, these guilds oversaw the establishment and maintenance of the chapel that sang for services at these two institutions, as well as later at Santissima Anunnziata. A chapel was established as early as , although polyphonic music had been performed at the cathedral for at least thirty years prior.
It is believed that the Medici were responsible for, or at least involved in, the creation and continuation of the polyphonic chapel in Florence. Cosimo de' Medici is credited with arranging the creation of the chapel, not because of documents supporting this, but rather because his name does not appear in any of the documents surrounding the chapel's founding, but as such a prominent figure, it seems unlikely he would not have been involved in the process. However, polyphonic music was returned to the cathedral soon after Savonarola's arrest; records show musicians were engaged to perform by April 27, The chapel was reestablished by December 1, It is important to note that the chapel was restored in during the Medici's exile from Florence.
It is clear, then, that other forces in Florence besides the Medici were concerned with the chapel. In addition to patronage of the chapels, certain of the guilds also provided support for some of the confraternities in Florence, which performed laude. Outside of Florence, most major centers had a court and a system of nobility, such as the Dukes of Ferrara, the Este, the Sforza in Milan, etc.
In these cases, the ruler kept his own musicians for his personal use, for military purposes or for religious services, or simply entertainment. However, in Florence, such a court did not exist until the establishment of the Medici as Dukes of Florence in Wealthy Florentine families, such as the Strozzi, employed musicians for private use, but without the same level of display or extravagance that would be found in ducal or princely courts. Private patronage also appears in carnival songs. The city's inhabitants themselves served as patrons of certain kinds of music, such as the Bench singers, or cantimpanca.
A particular singer would often have a regular time and place for his performances- some even had sheets printed with the lyrics to the songs they would perform; these performers were also known for their ability to improvise. Florentines also patronized music through their bequests , through which they arranged to have laude and masses sung on their behalf during services held by the various Florentine laudesi companies.
The church itself supported some musicians through benefices. Musicians tried to attain the best benefices during their careers, as well as gathering more than one. In this way, musicians could guarantee their continued financial support. However, because benefices included an ecclesiastical post, married musicians could not benefit from them. Also, political turmoil, such as war or the seizure of lands, could interfere with the payment of benefices to a recipient. Church patronage of music can also be seen in the musical training given to boys who were educated at ecclesiastical institutions.
They received education in grammar and music in return for singing with the chapel when needed. The connection between the Medici and music patronage in Florence is a complex one. Although there is no evidence that the Medici directly paid any of the Florentine public musicians, it is possible that the Medici had an arrangement with the pifferi whereby the group performed for the Medici without having to request their services through normal channels. The various types of patronage in Florence, then, most often were implemented as a means of bringing honor to either the city itself, its religious institutions, or both.
Private patronage also served as a reflection of the patron's own wealth and standing. Despite the differences in government between Florence and the courts at Ferrara, Milan, and elsewhere, the motivations behind the patronage of music were quite similar. Patrons, whether dukes or guildsmen, used music and musicians to demonstrate either their own wealth and prestige, or that of their city or institution.
The groups of musicians who represented the honor of the city or cathedral not only had to exist, but their quality reflected on the city as well. For this reason, patrons sought to employ the best musicians, and competition over singers or other performers was common. The opening repertoire has been interpreted as a "contest" between the two composers. Martini, indeed, was a prominent court musician in Ferrara, employed by the Este from until his death in the late s.
Perhaps Martini's music could have reached Florence during the s. During that trip, he could have stopped in Florence, because the city served as a normal stopover along the route from Ferrara to Rome. Ferrara-Florence connections are supported by the shared repertoire between Florentine and contemporary Ferrarese manuscript, Cas. Despite a periodic gap between the two, a larger number of concordances suggest the spread of common material in the two important centers from which the manuscripts originated. In the case of Martini, it is not surprising that Martini's eight works in the opening contest section of Fl also appear in Cas.
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The two cities have a long-standing history of musical competition. Ferrara served as a place for recruitment of singers for the Baptistry San Giovanni in Florence established in For instance, the singer Cornelio di Lorenzo in Ferrara moved to Florence in , where he was serving as a member of Santissima Annunziata. After his return to Ferrara, he continued contact with Florence. Another example of such a connection is compositions of Martini and Isaac, entitled Martinella. Both compositions are textless, and perhaps originally conceived as instrumental pieces, called "free fantasia.
It is quite plausible that Isaac reworked Martini's Martinella for his setting of the same title. This is supported by the chronological relationship between the two pieces as well as shared thematic material and structure. Isaac had arrived in Florence around when Maritni's was probably circulated in the city.
Venti sonetti di Lorenzo de' Medici, Il Magnifico, (Book, ) [wacevefama.tk]
Isaac's was written no earlier than the mids. Comparing these two compositions, Martini's Martinella consists of two nearly equal sections, like the majority of his secular works. Next, a tutti for all three voices is interrupted by a series of short imitative duets. The short characteristic phrase, indeed, is one of the main stylistic traits of Martini.
He reuses the melodic material from Martini in the opening and concluding sections as well as several places of his setting, yet with motivic elaboration. For instance, Isaac's opening phrase is based on the initial material of Martini, expanding the initial duet into three-part texture in imitation. This is a similar technique to that which Martini used in the same part of the form, although Isaac did not borrow any explicit melodic material from his model.
He also preserves the structural proportion of Martini, including the same number of measures and nearly equal two sections. In the first section just after the opening phrase, particularly, Isaac follows the sequence of two duets, tutti, alternation between short motives, and tutti.
Lorenzo de' Medici
The technique of short motives in imitation is also indebted to Martini's. It is likely that Martini stimulated Isaac's interest in reworking three-part polyphonic instrumental music through Martinella. The opening section of the Florentine manuscript may suggest the interrelationships between Martini and Isaac, and by extension, between Ferrara and Florence. The link of Martini and Isaac is strongly suggestive through the composition Martinella.
It is not coincidence that Isaac chose Martinella's piece as a model for one of his pieces. During his visit, Martini may have influenced Isaac with regard to the compositional techniques, styles, and procedure portrayed in his Martinella. The two may have worked together, which in turn is possibly reflected in the impressive opening section, alternating the works between the two.
Given this environment of collaboration among institutions and classes of society, it is worth considering the relationship between music and humanism, one of the primary intellectual strands active in quattrocento Florence. Humanism arose as a literary movement in Italy during the late 13th century and flowered in the 15th, particularly in the city of Florence.
Humanists were initially identified as professors or students of the studia humanitatis , the curriculum of core subjects that formed the foundation of the humanists' education; these included grammar i. Latin , rhetoric, poetry, history, and moral philosophy. Classicism was the basis for their studies: humanists drew on the discoveries and revival of ancient Greek and Latin authors and attempted to imitate them in content, style, and form. By , humanism had come to affect nearly every discipline-every discipline, that is, except music.
The common view has been that music lagged behind other fields such as the plastic arts, and, indeed, the application of humanism to music has been the subject of considerable debate. Only a few fragments of ancient Greek music were known during the 15th century, and, as very few humanists comprehended the notation, the sounding music of the ancients could not be revived in the same way as their literature. Yet there are a number of ways in which music can be understood as humanist. Although the music of the ancients could not be recovered, their theories and attitudes about it could. Due in part to the collection efforts by Florentines such as Niccolo Niccoli c.
Humanists noted that the ancient authors had ascribed powerful effects to music and advocated that contemporary music too should move the affections of listeners. To this end, 15th-century theorists tried to understand the way in which ancient Greek music was constructed, including the concepts of mode and harmony, and apply it to modern music.
The metaphor of the harmony in music as a representation of the universal harmony between man and cosmos or between body and soul was a particularly appealing one, prominently figuring in the writings of humanists, including the Florentine Neoplatonist Marsilio Ficino — Another manner of defining humanistic music regards a union of word and tone.
One of the ways in which humanism exerted its influence on other disciplines was to encourage greater attention to clarity or elegance of style.
This led to experiments with music that mirrored a text's syllable lengths, accents, and meaning. Guillaume Dufay — , who spent time in Florence in the s and wrote the motet Mirandas parit for the city, includes classical subjects and praise for Florence in a Latin text that employs a quantitative meter-all recognizable characteristics of humanistic writing.
Moreover, Dufay uses a number of musical devices to explain and amplify the meaning of the text, in much the same way as a humanistic orator would employ rhetorical figures to decorate a speech.
Finally, there is the issue of the type of music that the humanists themselves cultivated. Very little of the literature by the humanists mentions contemporary art music. Such accounts typically take an effusive tone, calling on classical images of Orpheus or the Muses and emphasizing the rhetorical nature of the performance. A wave of urban expansion in the s led to the construction of a number of theaters in Florence. Retrieved 23 October La Repubblica. Retrieved 18 May La Gazzetta dello Sport. Retrieved 4 October Football Italia. Retrieved 5 October BBC Sports. Gli azzurri si inchinano a Thiago Alcantara" in Italian.
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